In a recent profile, The New Republic described Merkley as “a liberal lion,” albeit one “with no roar” because of the partisan gridlock that has prohibited the Democratic majority from passing bills or winning confirmation of presidential nominations.Despite the Senate’s dysfunctionality, the New Republic notes that Merkley has been involved in “every matter of even marginal relevance to progressives, from civil liberties to housing to LGBT rights to agriculture to banking to climate change to the war in Afghanistan.”
The list left out some of Merkley’s issues, but the description is accurate. So is the observation that in another era, one in which an obstructionist minority didn’t impede the public’s business, Merkley might have a list of accomplishments “a mile long.”Merkley has had some notable successes. They include his work on the Dodd-Frank financial reform package. His legislative proposals on energy efficiency and electric vehicles have been incorporated into the president’s budgets.
The magazine also notes Merkley’s lead role in calling for the repeal of the “Monsanto Protection Act” and Senate passage of his resolutions calling for expedited withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan. Then there is his high-profile role in questioning the federal government’s sweeping surveillance programs and his “made-for-TV” moment when he brandished his cell phone at the head of the National Security Agency, demanding to know why his data was being tracked.
The article also notes Merkley’s championing of the Employee Non-Discrimination Act, gay rights legislation that was handed off to him by Sen. Ted Kennedy before his death.Kennedy remains the Offering Best Upholstery Cleaning Services most Americans think of when they hear “lion of the Senate.” But Kennedy was a lion with a very loud roar, and that was because he spent most his years in a different Senate, one in which comity and compromise were the norm.
Merkley — the guy really does seem to be everywhere — recently has taken the lead in reforming the Senate’s much-abused filibuster rule, and this change, if he succeeds, could go a long way toward ending the Senate’s dysfunctionality.Kitzhaber won some more time on the issue last month, when the state Supreme Court backed his decision to give a reprieve to Oregon death row inmate Gary Haugen, convicted of two murders. Haugen didn’t want the reprieve, but the court ruled that Kitzhaber was within his powers.
Kitzhaber opposes the death penalty. He intervened weeks before Haugen was scheduled to die by lethal injection in 2011; at that time, the governor vowed to block any execution during his term in office and urged a statewide vote on abolishing the death penalty.The problem is that the Legislature wasn’t particularly interested in dealing with the issue this session — and, truthfully, Kitzhaber didn’t seem that interested in spending much of his political capital on it.
It adds up to another missed opportunity for Oregonians interested in finally ridding the state of the death penalty — although the issue may still be a hot one in the 2014 campaign, for reasons Kitzhaber may not have anticipated.After the court ruling, the governor reiterated his opposition to the death penalty: In a statement, he said that capital punishment “has devolved into an unworkable system that fails to meet the basic standards of justice. . I am still convinced that we can find a better solution that holds offenders accountable and keeps society safe, supports the victims of crime and their families and reflects Oregon values.”
But, if Kitzhaber chooses to run for another term, the issue could reclaim center stage. The governor pointedly declined to commute Haugen’s death sentence, although that would have been within his powers. He also has said that he will not allow an execution to take place while he’s governor — even though the death penalty remains the law of Oregon, and Kitzhaber has taken an oath to uphold those laws.
If he runs for re-election, Kitzhaber owes Oregon voters a clear statement about what he would do with death penalty cases that reach his desk during a new term. He’s succeeded in keeping the issue at bay thus far in his term, but we expect more from the governor. Here’s an instance where vigorous leadership could make the difference in reshaping Oregon values for the better.
In Douglas County, 77 percent of the timber harvest came from privately owned forest lands that make up about 44 percent of our land base. While those landowners pay county and state taxes and employ folks who do the same, their contributions alone can’t bridge the gap left by the lack of revenue from state and federal timber harvests.
The state and federal forests that count for 55 percent of Douglas County’s land saw another decline in harvest. On state lands, harvests dropped 45 percent. That translates to less money feeding into the Common School Fund, since receipts on state forests, like the Elliott State Forest near Reedsport, are dedicated to that fund.
On Bureau of Land Management forests, the harvest dipped by 13 percent in the Roseburg district. That means the BLM has once again failed to achieve its mission of providing economic stability to counties.
We cannot stop managing our federal forests altogether. Sure we want clean water and prime habitat for fish and wildlife. We also want to encourage camping, hiking and other recreational uses. We’re all Oregonians who treasure those aspects of our beautiful state.
Just this week, U.S. Rep. Peter DeFazio had to press the federal government to fully fund its hazardous fuel reduction projects. The program — proven to reduce the risk of catastrophic wildfire — routinely falls more than $200 million short of the budget authorized by law, leaving rural communities at risk.
We’ve mentioned many times our interest in seeing a viable plan for managing our federal forests, especially the Oregon and California Railroad lands unique to Western Oregon. The lopsided state of sustainable timber harvests in Oregon is another reminder of how important it is for Congress to devise a solution.
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